I hate the Communist Party chapter 163

Chapter 59—The Deceivers

Loris Melikov, who drafted the bill as the lieutenant of Alexander II, who was called the last reform monarch of the Russian Empire, made countless efforts to reassure his lord.

I told myself to make a reform proposal, but when the law was completed, it was Alexander II who was full of worries that he would lose all his powers to the Congress if he did something wrong.

Even though my grandfather carried out heavy social reforms, including serf reform, the essence was not to reduce his power and introduce an advanced political system.

The essence of the stance of Alexander II’s reform policy was to separate the populists who defended their throne and struck him from time to time to kill him, and the liberals who had a subtle sympathy there.

“According to the Loris Melikoff Act, the last bill that my grandfather signed before his death, it is exactly what determines the elected legislator. Of course, I can’t categorize and organize all the Gemstbo and the people who belong to the Duma installed in the city, so I’ll send you a list of congressmen who will best reflect their opinions in their opinion. But it won’t change that I am the one who holds the hilt and finally makes the decision.”

The Loris Melikoff bill contained Melikov’s struggles to meet the tastes of Alexander II, who shouted for reform but was reluctant to shake his position.

That’s because in his bill there was no sentence of a national referendum.

It was a way to satisfy both the liberal-based Gemstvos who cried out for political reform and the tsar, who had a contradictory attitude while appeasing the city council members.

Under the measure, the Tsar’s elected or elected members of Gemstbo and the city council were no longer eligible to participate in central politics, rather than local politics.

It could be said that the key passage of the Lawris Melikoff Act was to create a separate body from the administrative body that existed at the time, and to entrust the elected people with the role of preparing bills or budgets related to reform.

In other words, it was the Tsar, the object of the reforms they were talking about, that decided the subject of reform, but it was the Tsar that they were talking about. It was the [National Committee] to which the members who had more direct contact with it belonged.

“As you say, there is a high possibility that a sudden change can cause social chaos, so the first Duma convened is not a place where people elected by a national vote, but already proved their ability and loyalty. And it will be a place where people recommended by trusted people work. Until it was judged that enough social conditions were in place for voting nationwide.”

There were many reasons why I showed such a lukewarm attitude while promoting the important work of establishing the Duma, but the biggest reason was money.

Even in the 21st century, when transportation and communication were developed, national voting was a huge money-consuming social event, and various legal restrictions were imposed to prevent it from being easily said to re-do such an event that cost such enormous social costs.

In order to recount, proposals from a few citizens or more are required, and even if the requirements are met, it is impossible until the court determines that there is a good reason for the recount.

“And the Duma convocation will take place in April 1901, the first year of the coming 20th century. There is still quite a bit of time left, so I think there will be plenty of room to discuss who will be recommended in Gemstbo in each province, and I think it’s a good time to do a simple investigation of each candidate after the recommendation is made.”

In its original history, the first convocation of the State Duma was through Nikolai’s October Declaration, which came to quell a nationwide revolt after the Bloody Sunday incident.

But I didn’t intend to move until the blood and confusion came.

This is because, as it was a declaration that was made urgently to appease the public sentiment at the time, even in the state Duma that was convened at the most, there was not even a proper discussion due to the fight of all kinds of political parties such as the October Party, the Social Revolution Party, and the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.

“But, Your Majesty, if you do that, you are not in conflict with the existing legislation. There are inevitable parts that are inconsistent with the “temporary regulations” made by your Majesty’s father, Alexander III.”

The provisional statute, the education minister said, was the name of a new bill created by his father, abolishing the law of Loris Melikoff, last ratified by Alexander II.

Originally, the validity had to be exhausted after three years, according to the name, but after it was extended every three years, only the name was temporary, and in fact, it was working like the constitution.

Freedom of publication, freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, etc. are treated as drool. Searches, arrests, and trials without warrants have been legalized in a wide range. Had been given.

It was not an exaggeration to say that the provisions of provisional laws have gradually decreased since I took control, but now it is almost insignificant, but the law itself remained.

There was also a symbolism of a bill that was ratified at the same time as the father was crowned, and it was not easy to overturn what the predecessor did and dismiss it as something that was not.

Still, I was determined.

“exactly. As pointed out, the legislation to be implemented this time has many conflicts with provisional laws. Then, next year is the year after three years have passed since the effect of the provisional regulations was extended. It will be impossible to leave a bill with the name Temporary forever.”

The ministers who listened to me were expressions saying that the finally coming.

In fact, the abolition of the provisional legislation itself has been foreseen from the time his father left for treatment on the Crimean Peninsula.

It was because of me, the censorship of publications, which was the most elaborate part of the provisional regulations, and the Gemsky Nachalnik system that monitors and controls the Gestvo.

I looked around their expressions and continued.

“And the Duma members elected this time will have a different power than the legislative power to make laws.”

“What do you mean by other authorities… … .”

Bite, the first finance minister to open his mouth, was a face full of expectations.

He apparently had a rough idea of ​​what other powers I was talking about.

It seemed to me that I had just noticed that I was not referring to the enormous administrative overload borne by officials in the administration.

“Elected members of the Duma will immediately go to a committee related to their field of expertise upon coming to St. Petersburg. For example, a lawmaker who specializes in finance or accounting would go to the finance committee. To the office in the Treasury building.”

In other words, the election of the Duma this time was no different from electing an administrative bureaucrat as a special appointment.

In the Duma, which will be led by lawmakers who will be elected through voting, it is possible to focus on exercising legislative power rather than administrative processing, but this Duma was a special case.

It is said that it is a local administrative organization, but would it not be polite if people refuse to do so that people who have dealt with various problems that arise in a land that is much larger than a European country are rolling in themselves?

“When did you say the first Duma was elected?”

“It’s April next year.”

“Wouldn’t it be possible to advance the timing a little? I will minimize the financial burden that goes into that. February, no, how about March?”

“I’m sorry, but that’s a bit difficult. I’ll have to wait until next April.”

“Your Majesty, please, then for fifteen days! How about a full moon.”

As Bite came out in this way, it seemed that other ministers gradually realized the hidden meaning of this Duma.

“Your Majesty, I know the Treasury is always dedicated to the Empire, but our Interior Department is the most demanding department. The Treasury Department only needs to organize the budget required to implement the policy, but we are working not only to prepare the policy for implementation, but also to address the side effects that occur after the policy is implemented.”

“no. What did you say now? What? Just organize your budget and stop? Home Secretary! Have you ever worked on trans-Siberian railroads with the finance minister? I mean! In addition to those two, he was the one who handled the reform work related to rural areas including the dismantling of Mir! But what? Just organize your budget?”

“I agree that the Department of Finance and Department of the Interior are important departments. But, Your Majesty, what is the most urgent department right now? Wouldn’t it be the war department? Didn’t Minister Bannovsky, who is now a Senator Senator, say this? “The Russian Empire has only two allies. One is the imperial army and the other is the imperial navy.’ In addition, policies related to military reform are pouring in recently. If you solve one, the other becomes a problem, and if you solve that problem, you must remember the war department where there are more than two problems in another place.”

“These people are real! You couldn’t even say this without me!”

“What? you? Bite man! You’ve finished talking now! Don’t hesitate to say where this guy is! And did you do those things by yourself? Until a while ago, I worked with Bishnet Graski and Bunge, and who are you now? You’re with a guy who has a flat forehead but a good job!”

Ministers’ quarrels against Congressman Duma were gradually changing.

When I heard the last cry I heard, I had no choice but to hit my forehead without my knowledge.

At this point, thinking that I should brake, I knocked on the desk and cried.

“Has everyone forgotten what they are discussing now! Are you discussing the election of Duma now? But when you hear what you’re talking about, it seems that this isn’t about Duma, it’s talking about picking a new official to join his department! What would the candidates think if you were upset like this! If no one is running as a candidate in Gestbo or the city council, will you be responsible?”

As I shouted, the inside of the conference room became quiet.

Those who had just talked to each other ‘I was harder, my department’s more important’ also shut up.

As the intestine became quiet, I continued to speak in a soothing tone.

“Keep in mind that today I only talked about the Duma. It’s about increasing the number of people who will be dedicated to the empire, and who would be the most likely to lose if you hurry and go wrong?

“Hmm, hmm.”

“You guys who can’t get the manpower right away… … Rather, today, aren’t they the new people working in rural areas and cities? So don’t say anything useless after today’s meeting. Do you understand?”

“Yes, Your Majesty.”

Here, today, a human trafficking squad was created.

korean novel I hate Communist Party chapter 163