I hate the Communist Party chapter 131
Chapter 51—The Coming Storm
Some say that reform is more difficult than revolution.
It is said that the revolution only has to pay attention to the fact that various forces join forces to fight against one common enemy, but reform is not only because there is no public enemy, and because those who have previously united their powers are repeating the convergence in search of their own interests.
There may be people who disagree with this statement, but if you think that this statement was made by one of the people who could be called successful revolutionaries, it could be said that the revolutionaries were really far from reform.
A revolutionary who fell after a successful revolution and became a dictator is surprisingly easy to find when looking at world history.
In addition, there is also a saying that the saying that the state has begun reform is more than ever on the verge of perishing, and it can be said that the political act of reform has more obstacles and difficulties than any other action. will be.
‘But I thought you’ve done well so far.’
The abolition of Gemsky Nachalnik (monitorer of local administrative organizations), who was a symbol of conservative reactionaryism, in check against Gemstbo, which was established in the days of his father.
Expansion of social infrastructure such as water supply pipes to prevent infectious diseases that have occurred frequently.
Improving agricultural technology to prevent famine, which feels like an annual event, and abolishing Mir, one of the causes of stiff rural society.
Gemstbo-based educational reform to improve the reality that over 70% of the population cannot even read their names. etc.
Although the reform policies that were short of space have been implemented one by one, the reality of the country of Russia has been that there must be more improvements beyond what has been done so far.
And that point was also shown in the petition of Gemstbo, which can be said to be an appeal before me.
In my knowledge as a historian, which is becoming increasingly useless, it is remembered that they sent a petition to Nikolai, who were full of anticipation for a new tsar later than now-so after the coronation-but whether they are still impressed by the reforms I have shown so far. It was a letter of appeal that was sent to me before paying.
It was a fresh stimulus for me, who thought that most of the reforms that were undertaken for the maintenance of the inner Russian Empire and the survival of the Romanov imperial family were divided into three parts.
This is because it allowed me to look back on myself whether I was thinking that it was okay to get into inertia.
[Russia, which is in front of His Majesty, is not a country that is silently waiting for death in silence, helplessness and despair. His Majesty is full of hope that his life will be better today and tomorrow than yesterday, and he does not speak of radical thoughts, but he does not spare his efforts, and is full of emotions such as joy and sorrow as his Majesty. There are people who yearn for faith in life and right faith and demand the completion of rural reform.]
One of the godfathers of the Russian populists, the brothers of Mikhail Bakunin-not radically unlike him-are the first of an appeal sent in his name by Lodichev, who was elected permanent chairman of the Tver State Jestbo, an active region. It was a sentence.
In the original history, he could not be inaugurated as a standing chairman, contrary to Durnouveau, then the interior minister, but by my involvement, he was faithfully fulfilling his duties as chairman of Gestbo.
Probably the most leftist in Russia today, the petitions sent by Jestbos in the Tver state are summarized below.
1. Expansion of the Gemstbo system to areas where Gestbo has not yet been installed.
2. Expand the authority so that Gemstbo can operate as an organization capable of gathering public opinions within the region, not just a local administrative organization, and delivering it to the center and exerting influence.
3. I know that your Majesty was trying to bring freedom to farmers by dismantling Mir, but in the current situation, there is a high possibility that farmers will be re-entangled with the agricultural union instead of Mir. The need for reform work based on the administrative unit of degree).
4. We are grateful that your Majesty expanded the radius of our Gestvo’s actions by the abolition of Jemsky Nachalnik, which was made in the days of Alexander III, but the interference from the Governor including the Ministry of the Interior is still so severe that it would be nice to alleviate this. .
The back was written on it.
And the third of their demands, the item related to the completion of the Mir reform, was none other than the last one of the primary reforms I mentioned earlier that had not yet been implemented.
Although Mir was dismantled and the land was distributed to farmers, due to financial reasons, the land repayment was not completely forgiven or significantly reduced.
‘It’s just stupid to believe that simply abolishing Mirman and distributing land to farmers will solve all problems.’
Having eliminated one of the causes of the problem, and staying still without follow-up, is the same as letting another cause be created.
Bolost, the local administrative organization that farmers will first encounter, in connection with Gemstbo instead of Mir, has its own courts that can decide punishment for cases except for violent crimes or cases where the case is large. It was a fairly powerful organization, but so far it has failed to fulfill its obligations.
It was because Jemsky Nachalnik, who had been dispatched to control the provinces from the center, and conservatives who feared that the peasants would encounter annoying thoughts had blocked it.
However, it was impossible to centrally manage all of the increasingly diversified and complex society.
In addition, controlling the peasants from an old-fashioned point of view would only aggravate dissatisfaction, and it would certainly work against conservatives to maintain the desired system.
In the original history, numerous cases in which aristocratic officials dispatched from the center to control the provinces witnessed the state of the region and showed a tendency as a populist show that the repression without improvement is rather counterproductive to the policy implemented by the ruling class hoping to maintain the status quo. It was evidence.
However, I couldn’t listen to them all at once.
No matter how correct the opinion, it was because it was prepared to pretend to eat quickly.
‘However, I must still express my opinion on this. Because this kind of petition didn’t come from only one place.’
Not only the Tver state I mentioned earlier, but also Gemstvo, a small number of nine states such as Chernikov, Kursk, and Tula, sent this type of petition, so I had to show some reaction to it.
It is said that it was more harmful than in the days of his father, but it was because those who remembered how cruel it could be if he made up their minds could guess what determination was needed to do this.
[Your Majesty, we look forward to the ability of social institutions to gain a social atmosphere and the right to express their views on matters related to them. In doing so, the needs and thoughts of the people of Russia, as well as the representatives of the administrative authorities, can reach the throne of the monarch. Your Majesty, we look forward to the great advancement of living social forces during your reign so that Russia can advance on the path of peace and truth.]
The sentence at the end of the petition from the state of Tver clearly showed the perspective of them-moderate reformists. They loved the country of the Russian Empire more than anyone else.
It was Nikolai of the original history that made them say that they do not need blood and swords, guns and flames to change the country, but that dialogue and compromise are necessary. Was.
In response to the appeal they sent at the first official event after the coronation, I would defend the despotism and dismissed the request for Gemstbo and others to participate in the administration of state affairs as a’failure sound’ Because it was.
And they will hear my answer.
* * *
Newspapers in Russia, which rarely showed unified front-page articles since Nikolai’s presidency, had weakened control over the media, all issued the same phrase as headlines.
[Your Majesty’s response! They will hear an answer on the day of my coronation. What is your majesty’s intention?]
[Gemstbo’s petition! Who are they trying to mess with the country?]
[Conservatives who cannot see the natural trend of the times! His Merciful Majesty responds to the calls of the Gestbos!]
The tone was different depending on the political orientation the media usually showed, but the contents were all the same.
It was said that Nikolai, who was expected to remain silent after the unprecedented incident that Gemstbo sent a petition to the Tsar last time, expressed his opinion on him.
And the reactions of those who saw this report were also markedly mixed.
“According to the steps your Majesty has shown so far, of course, you will certainly show a positive response to this petition. Those who still haven’t seen this natural future are really foolish. On the day of the coronation, I’m already looking forward to seeing their distorted faces.”
“It can be said that your Majesty’s answer this time is a sentence of death for the old system and shows your determination to the conservatives who are still unable to accept the coming future. When are they willing to let go of what they are enjoying? When mobs with guns and torches knock on the front door of their ornate mansion?”
Reformers, including Gemstbo, who sent the petition, responded that finally, His Majesty had shown a willingness to openly accept their wishes.
In fact, it wasn’t that their reaction didn’t go unintelligible.
From what Nikolai has been doing so far, it can be said that it suits the name of the reform lord more than anyone else.
They feel that this is the result of inference through analysis from the past, rather than an act of inhaling vodka first, although nobody thinks about it.
But it wasn’t the only people who took it positively.
“No way your Majesty really had the intention of including them in running the state affairs, right? By doing this, I will reach the point of making a country without kings like France!”
“Sergei’s anti-aircraft fall! Are you saying you really have the same thoughts they say? Does this make any sense to say that they want to change a society created according to the rules set by God on their own?”
The conservatives, led by Grand Duke Sergey, felt a greater sense of crisis than ever.
They had been scattered without finding a special center point since the purge of the chief executive officer in the past, but this time they were different.
This is because he succeeded in uniting his elite brother, Grand Duke Sergei, first.
If Alexander III had been alive, he would have been able to control it, but the current Tsar is Nikolai, but the big man in the Romanov imperial family was Grand Duke Sergei.
“Everyone calm down. Shouldn’t those called nobles have this weight? The time left until the coronation is over half a year, so it won’t be too late to move after I find out what Nicky is thinking.”
There was one reason for Sergey’s attitude.
This is because he was preparing for the coronation of Nikolay II.
korean novel I hate Communist Party chapter 131